Supporting the proposed changes to the Elected Presidency

Speech by Minister for Communications and Information & Minister-In-Charge of Cyber Security & Minister-In-Charge of Muslim Affairs, Dr Yaacob Ibrahim at the parliamentary debate on the proposed changes to the Elected Presidency

Madam Speaker,

1. I agree with the key changes to the elected presidency or EP.

2. I agree on the need to change the qualifying criteria so that the potential candidate has the experience to deal with how our sizeable financial resources should be managed.

3. I also agree that given the complexity of the issues facing our government that a strengthened Council of Presidential Advisors, or CPA, and the closer working relationship between the CPA and EP will ensure the best decisions for the sake of our nation.

4. Finally, the need to ensure that every community has the chance to see one of its own becoming the EP underscores the very nature of our multiracial society. It very specifically endorses the view that this multiracial character of our society must also be represented in the highest office of the land. Personally, I would like to see this multiracial character of our society be a lived reality in all aspects of our society. Achieving this is an ongoing effort for which we must never let up. For now, I shall focus on how we seek to achieve this in the EP.

Why safeguarding minority representation is key

5. Madam, one of the stated aims of the new EP changes is to ensure that every community has a chance to see one of its own becoming the EP. Yet the real challenge is to ensure minority representation in an electorate where the Chinese community dominates. Surveys and statistics have shown how despite all our efforts at forging a common Singaporean identity, the current reality in Singapore is that the tribal tendency remains a factor – people still tend to drift towards their own kind.

6. This finding has caused discomfort to some Singaporeans. I myself did not find it pleasant reading. It is also my sincere wish that one day, race will no longer matter. But for now, we cannot ignore the facts and trust that the better angels of our nature will surely prevail, especially on a matter as critical as the EP.

7. We had recognised such tribal tendencies in some of our policies, such as the ethnic integration policy or EIP in public housing. When that policy was implemented in 1989, there was some unease among Singaporeans, including our minorities. The policy seemed heavy-handed. Yet, over the distance of time, this policy has served the national interest well, by preventing ghettoes in our public housing and enabling integration to take place.

8. I myself struggled with this policy in my younger days, but I have come to recognise that we need such policies to avoid the pitfalls of other societies that have ignored the human tendency to behave in tribal ways and insisted on seeing the world as they sincerely believed it to be. These societies have suffered for it. The integration of different communities into a cohesive and united Singapore society requires deliberate policy tweaks and constant work.

9. We are now introducing a similar policy tweak. While being presented euphemistically as a circuit breaker in successive elections of the EP, it is a tweak that guarantees a chance for a minority to become the EP. In typical Singapore fashion, if this works, we will see, over a sufficiently long time, representation from the various communities as EPs, reflecting the racial breakdown of our society.

Addressing sentiments about the minority safeguard

10. The support for this proposed policy tweak has not been unanimous. Some argue that Singaporeans are mature enough to know whom to elect in order to maintain a harmonious society. Then there are also some who feel that such a move goes against the strain of meritocracy as they believe in, and in fact is really another example of doing too much in helping the minorities in Singapore. Where do ordinary Singaporeans lie in this spectrum of views?

11. The recent study by Channel News Asia and the Institute of Policy Studies found that given a choice, most Singaporeans prefer someone of the same race as President. More than 80% of respondents of Malays and Indians said that they would accept a Singaporean Chinese as President. However, less than 70% of Chinese respondents found a Singaporean Malay or Indian to be acceptable as President¹.

12. Furthermore, according to an MCI survey, when asked if they think we should have a minority as an EP, the vast majority including the Chinese agree wholeheartedly. However when presented with the circuit breaker option, the majority baulked. Why is this so? We can only guess. These studies confirm the concerns I had when this idea was first mooted.

13. I was concerned because it was putting the minority communities, including my community, in the spotlight again. To understand this is to put yourself in the shoes of the minority community, especially the Malays, and see it from our perspective over the 50-year trajectory of nation building. We have frequently been in the spotlight for the last 50 years. After separation from Malaysia, there were difficult questions for all communities, and more so for the Malay community in this new nation. At the same time, we faced socio-economic challenges. We lagged behind in education. Higher divorce rates, higher crime rates, and more recently, Islam has been associated with the terrorism threat. The situation, of course, has been improving, because of the hard work by the community and the government's support, and we must continue to forge ahead. But it has not been all smooth sailing.

14. Against this backdrop, I was worried that this move, to ensure that there will be a Malay president, will be seen as the government going out of its way to help a minority community that has lagged behind. I was worried that a Malay candidate may not be able to command the respect of all Singaporeans.

15. So I will be the first to say that we must never compromise on the qualifying criteria. If we are to carry out the proposed tweak to ensure minority representation, we must do so because it is good for Singapore and Singaporeans, and not just for the minority communities, and certainly not for the Malay community. The candidate, minority or otherwise, must meet the same, exacting requirements, and therefore be seen to be good for all Singaporeans.

The view from the Malay community

16. Let me also recognise that this desire to see a president from one of our own, especially for the Malays, is an emotive one. Among the older Malays, having lived under a Malay president, it is understandable that they yearn for one after a very long time. We have not had a Malay president for 46 years. Our first president, the late Mr Yusof Ishak died in office on 23rd November 1970. An entire generation of Malays have grown up without ever having a Malay president. Furthermore, the younger generation has grown up with meritocracy as the basis of how our society is organised. And hence among younger Malays, there seem to be a bit of reluctance to have the circuit breaker. Yet in closed door discussions, many would raise their hands in wanting to see a Malay president. But very few would say this publicly.

17. Some would argue that the race of the candidate should not matter. That the most important thing is whether that person can do the job, and do it well. But to have a qualified Malay to do the job speaks to a long-held desire among the community to see one of us serving in the highest office in the land. It is about our place in this nation that we call home.

18. Malays, more so than other communities, look forward to seeing one of their own recognised for excellence and leadership. So when Natasha Nabila topped the PSLE in 2007, and in fact broke the record for the highest PSLE scores till then, the community was overjoyed. In previous years, a Chinese student may have topped the PSLE and yet we did not see fireworks or celebrations in the Chinese community.

19. For me, it speaks to a personal experience. In 1968, we had our first Malay President's Scholar, Mr Mohd Ismail Ibrahim, my eldest brother. That same year, my brother's school mate from RI, Mr Christopher Catherasoo was also a winner of the President's Scholarship.

20. The celebration by both communities could not have been more stark. When we send my brother off at the airport, and this was Paya Lebar airport, my entire clan turned up and some had even camped overnight at our place. Christopher, on the other hand, was accompanied by only his immediate family. The airport was swamped by Malays! It was a moment of celebration.

21. The truth is that we do not have many Malays in key positions of power and leadership. Having one being a president is not just nice but timely. But this cannot, and must not, be the reason why we should have a Malay president. The Malay candidate must meet the same exacting standards as demanded of candidates from the other communities. My reason for raising these examples is for the other communities to better understand the psyche of the Malay community and the historical burden that we have carried where we have been perceived as an underachieving community.

What is needed of all candidates?

22. I now come to my final point, which is about the quality of the candidates. There are two equally important roles of the EP – ceremonial and custodial. I fully support both roles especially that of a unifying figure representing all Singaporeans. In this regard it is the character of the candidate that I most worry about. After all, we have seen very successful businessmen who are also crooks. To have stayed honest is too low a bar.

23. How do we guarantee that that candidate will make decisions in the best interest of all Singaporeans? Indeed, what makes a good president for all Singaporeans? While we have debated much about the qualifying criteria, especially the candidates' experience in managing large organisations, equally important are the values and ethos of the candidates.

24. Allow me to continue in Malay:

25. Puan Speaker, saya setuju dengan perubahan kepada sistem Presiden Dipilih.

26. Saya setuju bahawa kita perlu merubah kriteria kelayakan supaya para calon ada pengalaman yang cukup untuk mentadbir rizab negara dengan cekap.

27. Saya juga setuju dengan kuasa tambahan untuk Majlis Penasihat Presiden (CPA) memandangkan semakin rumitnya isu-isu yang dihadapi pemerintah. Kerjasama lebih erat antara CPA dan EP akan memastikan keputusan yang terbaik dapat dibuat untuk negara.

28. Usaha untuk memastikan setiap kaum di Singapura berpeluang untuk melihat wakil dari kaumnya menjadi seorang EP, jawatan tertinggi Negara, adalah satu hakikat masyarakat majmuk kita. Secara peribadi, saya ingin melihat ciri berbilang kaum Singapura menyerlah di setiap lapisan masyarakat. Usaha ke arah ini harus diteruskan. Buat masa ini, tumpuan saya adalah bagaimana ini dapat dicapai dalam sistem EP.

Kenapa genting untuk lindungi perwakilan minoriti

29. Puan Speaker, seperti yang telah saya terangkan awal tadi, banyak usaha telah dilakukan untuk mewujudkan satu identiti Singapura. Tetapi hakikatnya, setiap kaum masih cenderung untuk memilih kaum masing-masing.

30. Ada rakyat Singapura yang mungkin tidak selesa dengan hakikat ini termasuk saya sendiri. Misalnya ketika mula diperkenalkan pada 1989, saya ragu-ragu dengan beberapa dasar pemerintah seperti Dasar Integrasi Kaum (EIP) dalam perumahan awam. Namun ternyata EIP telah berjaya melaksanakan matlamat pemerintah untuk memastikan estet perumahan kita tidak menjadi kawasan setinggan yang didiami oleh kaum minoriti sahaja. Malah rakyat berpeluang untuk berintegrasi. Ternyata kita perlukan dasar seperti ini supaya kita tidak membuat kesilapan negara-negara yang mengabaikan kecenderungan manusia untuk berpuak-puak. Integrasi yang kita lihat di Singapura hari ini adalah hasil dasar-dasar sedemikian yang dicipta secara sedar. Ia juga memerlukan usaha yang berterusan untuk memupuk keharmonian di kalangan kaum-kaum yang berbeza.

31. Perubahan yang dicadangkan untuk EP, akan menjamin peluang untuk kaum minoriti menjadi seorang EP. Dalam jangka panjang, ini akan mencerminkan ciri-ciri masyarakat majmuk Singapura.

Pandangan tentang perlindungan bagi kaum minoriti

32. Hasil tinjauan yang dijalankan Institut Kajian Dasar dan Channel News Asia menunjukkan bahawa jika diberi peluang, sebahagian besar rakyat Singapura lebih cenderung untuk memilih calon dari kaum masing-masing sebagai Presiden.

33. Tinjauan MCI pula menunjukkan bahawa apabila ditanya sama ada Singapura perlukan seorang minoriti sebagai EP, sebahagian besar responden termasuk responden Cina bersetuju. Tetapi apabila ditanya tentang semakan sistem EP yang bakal memastikan perwakilan minoriti, mereka tidak setuju. Mengapa? Tinjauan-tinjauan ini mengesahkan kebimbangan saya ketika idea ini mula diperkenalkan.

34. Saya bimbang kerana sekali lagi perhatian dilontarkan kepada kaum minoriti lebih-lebih lagi masyarakat Melayu. Sepanjang 50 tahun lalu, masyarakat Melayu terus mendapat perhatian. Selepas Singapura berpisah daripada Malaysia, timbul persoalan tentang kedudukan semua kaum lebih-lebih lagi orang Melayu di Singapura yang baru itu. Pada masa yang sama, kita menghadapi cabaran sosio-ekonomi termasuk pendidikan, kadar perceraian dan jenayah yang tinggi dan baru-baru ini pula, ancaman pengganasan. Keadaan ini kian berubah berkat kerja keras masyarakat dan sokongan pemerintah. Hakikatnya, masyarakat Melayu telah melalui pelbagai duri dan ranjau dan kita harus meneruskan perjuangan kita.

35. Berpandukan latar belakang inilah, saya khuatir bahawa langkah untuk memastikan adanya perwakilan Melayu ini akan dilihat sebagai usaha Pemerintah untuk membantu kaum minoriti yang ketinggalan. Saya bimbang bahawa calon Melayu nanti tidak mendapat sokongan padu daripada rakyat Singapura yang lain.

36. Jadi saya tegas menyatakan bahawa kita tidak boleh mengubah kriteria ketat yang ditetapkan. Jika semakan ini dilakukan untuk memastikan perwakilan kaum minoriti, ia harus dilakukan kerana ia baik untuk Singapura dan semua rakyat Singapura bukan hanya kaum minoriti. Calon EP, sama ada datang dari kaum minoriti ataupun bukan, mesti dapat memenuhi kriteria kelayakan dan beliau baik untuk semua rakyat Singapura.

Pandangan masyarakat Melayu

37. Saya akur bahawa keinginan untuk melihat Presiden dari kaum kita sendiri khususnya di kalangan orang Melayu adalah suatu yang bersifat emotif. Di kalangan, anggota masyarakat yang lebih dewasa, yang pernah dipimpin seorang Presiden berbangsa Melayu, rasa rindu mereka untuk melihat seorang lagi calon Melayu selepas 46 tahun, boleh difahami. Namun bagi generasi muda Melayu, yang membesar dalam sistem meritokrasi negara dan tidak pernah dipimpin oleh seorang Presiden Melayu, mereka agak berat hati untuk menerima semakan ini. Tetapi di dalam perbincangan tertutup, ramai yang mahukan seorang Presiden Melayu. Bagaimanapun, tidak ramai mungkin mahu mengaku hakikat ini secara terbuka.

38. Lebih dari kaum lain, masyarakat Melayu memiliki hasrat yang besar untuk melihat anggota kaumnya diiktiraf bagi pencapaian atau kepimpinan mereka. Oleh itu, apabila Natasha Nabila muncul sebagai pelajar terbaik PSLE dan memecahkan rekod agregat tertinggi di Singapura pada 2007, seluruh masyarakat Melayu tumpang bangga. Lain keadaannya jika seorang pelajar Cina yang menjadi pelajar PSLE terbaik. Kita tidak melihat masyarakat Cina meraikannya dengan begitu menyerlah.

39. Ini juga berlaku dalam keluarga saya sendiri. Pada 1968, abang sulung saya, Mohd Ismail Ibrahim muncul sebagai penerima Melayu pertama Biasiswa Presiden. Pada tahun yang sama, rakannya dari Raffles Institution, Christopher Catherasoo juga memenangi Biasiswa Presiden.

40. Namun sambutan dari kedua-dua kaum sangat berbeza. Apabila kami menghantar abang saya ke lapangan terbang Paya Lebar, seluruh kerabat keluarga saya hadir. Ada yang bermalam di rumah saya. Christopher hanya dihantar oleh keluarga terdekatnya sahaja. Seluruh lapangan terbang penuh dengan orang Melayu! Saat itu adalah saat untuk diraikan bersama sebagai sebuah masyarakat.

41. Pokoknya, jika kita ada seorang presiden, walaupun beliau berbangsa Melayu, calon itu mesti memenuhi kriteria kelayakan yang ditetapkan. Kita mahu calon tersebut dihormati dan mendapat sokongan padu dari semua rakyat Singapura.

Conclusion

42. Madam Speaker, We must look for good, honest, hardworking, selfless individuals who are prepared to do what is right for Singapore. To be president is no mere job. It is a calling to serve all Singaporeans. It demands integrity, selflessness and the desire to always promote the common good. So regardless of the candidate's race, they must all be held to the same high standards of character and values. We must never compromise on standards. We do not want, and we cannot accept, tokenism. We want a president to command the respect of all Singaporeans.

43. I therefore stand by the proposed enhancements to the Elected Presidency framework, because, first and foremost, these enhancements serve to ensure that the best qualified person who reflects the values and ethos of our nation will be elected to the highest office of our land.

44. Thank you.

¹Chinese respondents' agreeability ratings for a Singaporean Chinese, Malay and Indian as President are 96%, 59% and 68% respectively. By comparison, Malay respondents' agreeability ratings for a Singaporean Chinese, Malay and Indian as President are 84%, 94% and 75% respectively. Indian respondents' agreeability ratings for a Singaporean Chinese, Malay and Indian as President are 87%, 73% and 92% respectively. (reported by CNA on 18 Aug 2016)